Why is it taking forever for Malacanang to state whether it acknowledges the official claim of the Philippines to Sabah and will pursue it with vigor or will drop it like a hot potato?

Many are beginning to surmise that the Aquino regime is not at all convinced that the Sabah claim has merit and his description of it as a “hopeless cause” is not just a slip of the tongue indicating “ignorance or incompetence” as Sultan Jamalul Kiram III suspects but his regime’s point of view and even policy on the matter.

The objective of the so-called study ordered by Mr. Aquino appears to be to find holes in the claim rather than determine its veracity and validity. Otherwise, why has the “study” not come up with anything at all so far? Surely the DFA and other government agencies can dig up the documentation on the Philippines’ Sabah claim whilst Mr. Aquino consults the many experts that have specialized in scholarly, legal and historical, study of the same.

The Aquino regime’s indifference to the Philippines’ Sabah claim underlies his 1) disdain over Sultanate’s political act of asserting their claim of ownership; 2) belief that this is merely part of a grand conspiracy by his political enemies to make trouble, in particular to throw a monkey wrench into the GPH-MILF peace negotiations; 3) refusal to negotiate in earnest with the Sultanate’s heirs instead resorting to publicly-aired ultimatums and threats of criminal prosecution against Sultan Kiram III and other “co-conspirators”; 4) speaking and acting as if he fully concedes Malaysia’s sovereignty over Sabah, that is, the Sultanate’s unarmed followers and members of its “Royal Security Forces” are the transgressors and the Malaysian government is justified in using all-out force to exterminate them.

Too bad for Mr. Aquino it is not going to be easy to rewrite the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial history with regard to North Borneo now Sabah.

The facts are clear and incontrovertible. The Sulu Sultanate came to own and rule over North Borneo in 1704 when the Sulu Sultan’s relative, the Sultan of Brunei, granted the territory to the former in return for helping him quell his enemies.

In 1878, the Sulu Sultanate entered into a lease agreement with the British North Borneo Company, a private trading company; for a consideration of 5000 Malayan dollars per year, the BNBC could exploit and develop North Borneo’s natural resources and administer the territory in the Sultanate’s behalf. This was upped to 5300 dollars in 1903 when Sultan Jamalul Kiram II signed a document leasing additional islands in the vicinity of the mainland of North Borneo.

Subsequently, the British Crown in collusion with the BNBC deliberately misinterpreted the term “padyak” in the 1878 agreement to mean “cession” instead of “lease” in order for the British to land grab North Borneo and falsely claim dominion or sovereignty over it.

The Sulu Sultanate came under the control of Spain in the 1880s but not North Borneo. The 1885 Madrid Protocol signed by Great Britain, Germany and Spain consolidated Spain’s continued sway over the Philippine islands while Spain renounced all claims of sovereignty over the territories of Borneo belonging to the Sultan of Sulu.

The United States officially notified Great Britain that North Borneo remained part of the Sulu Sultanate in 1906 and 1920; nevertheless, Britain proceeded to annex North Borneo as a colony in 1946.

The 1935 Constitution defined Philippine territory to include “all other areas which belong to the Philippines on the basis of historical rights and legal claims” and thus effectively covered North Borneo. The Sulu Sultanate’s act of ceding sovereignty to the Republic of the Philippines on 12 September 1962, during the Diosdado Macapagal administration authorized the Philippine government to file the Sabah claim with the United Nations and other international forums.

The so-called plebiscite conducted under the auspices of the British colonialists and their Malayan subalterns in 1963 predictably resulted in a vote in favor of Sabah’s incorporation in the Federation of Malaysia. And so it came to pass that when Malaysia was formed in 1963, Britain’s illegal annexation of North Borneo was bequeathed to the new Malaysian state.

It is evident from the above that the Philippines has a solid claim to sovereignty over Sabah, to say the least. What is incomprehensible to many is why Presidents Macapagal and Marcos, who showed some interest in pursuing the claim at the beginning of their terms, eventually backed off. Successive regimes after Marcos chose to let the claim lie dormant, with Ramos and Estrada ordering “studies” on the bases and prospects for pursuing the claims, without any concrete or at least announced results.

The answer lies in the fact that the Philippine government’s foreign policy is still very much aligned with and influenced, if not dictated by US foreign policy and national interest. Thus, attempts to explain various regimes’ position on Sabah purely on the basis or in the context of Philippine national interest prove inadequate. Oftentimes, what is good for the US is misrepresented as good for the Philippines, too, especially on questions of “regional peace and stability”. What the US says is good for “regional peace and stability”, is good for the Philippines too.

With respect to Sabah, Philippine regimes invariably relegated the Philippine claim to the back burner to avoid confrontation with Malaysia or even antagonizing it in any way. Especially so since 1974 when Malaysia started playing a key role in the Organization of Islamic Conference’s intervention in the peace negotiations between the GRP and the MNLF, and more so since 2001 when Malaysia became the official Third Party Facilitator in the GPH-MILF talks.

This partly explains why Aquino, more than his predecessors, evidently has no interest in supporting the Kirams in renewing the Philippines’ claim to Sabah. As the Framework Agreement nears completion with most of the annexes agreed upon by the GPH and MILF panels, this is not the best time to incur the displeasure, if not ire, of the Third Party Facilitator, Malaysia. At the very least, it would appear to be an unpardonable act of ingratitude. At worst, Malaysia could retaliate and put the agreement in peril.

But this does not explain why Aquino has gone a lot farther to the extent of clearly siding with Malaysia. Not only has Aquino refused to acknowledge the peaceful intent of the Sultanate’s expedition to Sabah he has desisted from supporting the Kirams’ mostly symbolic and political move. He has threatened them with arrest and prosecution, broadcast his supposed doubts on the legitimacy even of their royal lineage, and practically accuses them of acting only at the behest of and in conspiracy with the much discredited Arroyos.

Mr. Aquino had virtually given the Malaysian government the green light to use coercive and armed means to end the stand-off and crush the Filipinos.

To top it all, Mr. Aquino has chosen to do a Pontius Pilate, washing his hands of the bloody outcome of his regime’s hard-line position against the Kirams. He has since relegated the handling of the Sabah crisis to his underlings while he blithely campaigns for his senatorial candidates and indulges in pontificating about the Sultan’s culpability for the ignominious end of his followers in Sabah.

Many who are still trying to understand the actuation and statements of Mr. Aquino with the assumption that his standpoint derives from the national interest are bound to be stumped and confused forever. In truth, Mr. Aquino’s derisive attitude can only be traced to his cacique upbringing and mindset.

Mr. Aquino, scion of landed elites and heir to the Cojuangco-Aquino political dynasty, can readily sympathize with the land grab of North Borneo perpetrated by the Malaysian state and ruling elite, because this is something he can relate to in light of the experience of the clan’s Hacienda Luisita. He is dealing with the Kirams in much the same way he and his clan has dealt with the Hacienda’s farm workers and tenants for decades – using deceit and force – to maintain an unjust status quo. #

Press statement
February 27, 2013
Reference: Dr. Carol Araullo, Chairperson, Bayan

We take notice of the Aquino administration’s apparent double standard in asserting the country’s territorial integrity. While it is all agog about the Philippine assertion of sovereignty over the Spratlys group of islands and the Panatag Shoal, government is holding a defeatist stance on the Sabah claim. Worse, President Benigno Aquino III is even obscuring or muddling the legitimacy of the assertion of the Sultanate of Sulu and chose to perpetuate the more than five decades of government passivity, if not total abandonment, of the country’s Sabah claim.

When out of desperation the heirs of the Sultanate of Sulu physically occupied the Lahad Datu to force the Philippine and Malaysian governments to recognize their historical and legal claim to Sabah, Aquino threatened them with prosecution. At the same time, the Chief Executive has also raised the absurd point that recognizing the “ownership” of the Sultanate over Sabah and Sulu could pave the way for its eventual secession from the Philippines. This despite repeated public avowals of Sultan Jamalul Kiram and his siblings that they consider themselves Filipinos and are merely asking the government to assert their and the country’s claim to Sabah.

In stark contrast is the Aquino administration’s treatment of the Spratlys and Panatag Shoal dispute with China. No less than the head of state engages in open polemics on the territorial dispute at every available opportunity, domestic or international. It has even filed a case against China for international arbitration. Note that while we have strong grounds to assert our sovereignty over the Spratlys and Panatag Shoal, we have even more compelling historical and legal bases to claim Sabah.

Such double standard in handling the Sabah and Spratlys/Panatag Shoal issues is exposing the deceitful and sham “patriotism” of the Aquino administration. It is aggressively engaging the territorial dispute with China not because of its patriotic duty to defend the national sovereignty and territorial integrity but to kowtow to US superpower interests. In reality, the puppet Aquino government is using the Spratlys/Panatag Shoal dispute to promote US imperialism’s hegemonic schemes in the region under the so-called “pivot to Asia Pacific”. It is using the dispute with China to justify the ever increasing presence of American troops, warships, jet fighters and drones, and other war materiel in the country’s territory under the auspices of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).

On the other hand, Aquino has subsumed the Sabah claim to political and geopolitical considerations, in particular the wish to bring an end to the Moro secessionist movement in the South through US-backed peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) where Malaysia has played a key role as facilitator. Apparently, the Aquino regime, together with the US which has taken a hands-off posture on the Sabah stand-off, views the Sabah claim as a potential stumbling block if not complete spoiler to inking the coveted final peace compact with the MILF.

But the problem is with its handling of the Sabah issue, the Aquino administration is not only surrendering our territorial integrity and national sovereignty. It is also creating conditions that make an enduring peace with justice in Mindanao more elusive. ###

Reference:
Cristina Palabay, Secretary General, Karapatan
Renato Reyes Jr., Secretary General, Bayan

Human rights group Karapatan and umbrella group Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN), together with members and leaders of several organizations today condemned in strongest terms the series of attacks against people’s organizations and partylist groups, disguised as break-ins and robberies. The groups decried what they described as the “rising and systematic forms of state repression and harassment of government critics”. They said that the recent incidents were made to appear as common crimes but were actually targeted attacks on activists and their organizations.

From March 2012 up until last week, Karapatan and Bayan documented twelve(12) cases of break-ins of houses of activists and peace advocates, and offices of progressive organizations; robberies involving items such as laptops, USB/flash drives, video cameras, and the like; and surveillance of known personalities and members of such organizations.

As early as March 2012, the laptop of UP Manila activist Nikki Gamara was stolen inside the university premises. What seems to be an ordinary case of theft turned out to be more than just that. Three weeks after, her father, Renante Gamara, a peace consultant for the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), was illegally arrested. Records show that the laptop of Nikki was stolen a week before a warrant based on trumped-up charges was issued against her father.

There was also a series of break-ins in offices of Gabriela Women’s Party (June 13, 2012), Health Alliance for Democracy (December 25, 2012), and the offices of Parents Alternative for ECCD Inc. and Salinlahi Alliance for Children’s Concerns (January 13, 2013). The most recent incident was the break-in and robbery in the shared office of the chapters of Bayan and Karapatan in the National Capital Region last February 14, 2013. These are all publicly known offices of these organizations. Taken from the offices were desktop computers, laptops, hard disks and similar data storage devices, cameras and cellphones.

Also victims of robberies were persons involved in the peace process such as Atty. Rachel Pastores of the Public Interest Law Center (September 22, 2012) , Rey Casambre, Director of the Philippine Peace Center (February 9, 2013) and Rosie Tumbagahon, a staff working at the Joint Secretariat of the Joint Monitoring Committee of the GPH and NDFP (February 9, 2013).

These incidents are clearly systematic attacks against progressive organizations and individuals, made to appear as isolated cases of common crimes, the groups said. They pointed out that only the military would have the motive and means to carry out these attacks.

“The usual targets of the perpetrators are data storage devices such as flash disks, hard drives and laptops, cellular phones and cameras. It appears that the intelligence operatives are gathering more data on government critics as a prelude to possibly more attacks, especially during the election season,” the groups said.

The human rights defenders said the attacks violated the activists’ constitutional rights and guaranteed freedoms, including the:

1) Freedom of thought, association, and expression; freedom of conscience, political and/or religious beliefs and practices and the right not to be punished or held accountable in the exercise of these rights;

2) Collective right to be secure in our persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures; right to liberty of movement;

3) Right to privacy of communication and correspondence, especially against intercepting, pilfering and opening of mail matters and conducting illegal surveillance and information gathering through electronic and other means

4) Right against all forms of threats, harassment and intimidation done to instill fear or anxiety on the target organizations and individuals by threatening the person/s, their security, privacy, honor, liberty and property. The surveillance activities before and after the incidents in the said offices point are stark indicators of such violations;

5) Right against violation of domicile as these are clear cases of forcible entries and intrusion, without authority or consent of owners or occupants;

6) Right against destruction and divestment of property affecting the functions of the organizations and individuals in their work.

The activist groups view the attacks as part of the military operations of the Armed Forces of the Philippines against organizations whom they publicly brand and accuse as front- organizations of the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF). The attacks they say are a desperate attempt to meet the mid-term target of the Aquino government’s Oplan Bayanihan, the government’s counter-insurgency program. The groups described the frequency of the incidents as “unprecedented, and not seen even during the Arroyo regime.”

Also noteworthy according to the groups was that the incidents became more frequent starting December 2012, when Lt. Gen. Eduardo Ano was appointed as intelligence chief, and January 2013, when Gen. Emmanuel Bautista was appointed AFP Chief of Staff. Ano is implicated in the abduction and disappearance of Jonas Burgos, among the other cases of rights violations he was involved in, while Bautista is the self-declared brains behind Oplan Bayanihan.

The groups also said that the attacks against persons involved in the peace process derail and undermine the peace negotiations between the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH).

This is not the first time targeted attacks were made to appear as common crimes involving robbery. Last year, Dutch missionary Willem Geertman was killed in what police initially described as robbery with homicide. It was later revealed that the suspects had ties to the military and that Geertman was actually executed at his office.

Karapatan and Bayan challenged Department of Interior and Local Government Secretary Mar Roxas to look into and act on the cases. The activist groups suspect that more incidents will happen during the election season. ###

on Saturday, February 23rd
1:30 till 5 pm
on
‘Migronomics
&
Migrants beyond the Victim Status’

The University of Amsterdam (UvA) organizes in cooperation with the World House a special meeting between scholars from all over Europe and migrants living in Amsterdam, on Saturday February 23rd , at Van Limmikhof, Nieuwe Keizersgracht 1A (better known as the attic room in the building opposite the World House, where we organize special celebrations)

Starting at 13:45 there will be contributions from scholars from different countries in Europe and from members of migrant self organizations, who will inform the participants of this international meeting how they have organized their lives in the Netherlands.

Stories will be told by: Faisol Subroto (Indonesia) and Jonaida da Juya (Philippines) and participants from the ‘Vluchtkerk’ (the church that offers Refuge to ex asylum seekers).

From 17:00 till 19:00 there will be a diner, prepared by Manuel and his crew.

At 19:30 a documentary on Migration will be shown, ’Coming for a visit’, followed by an interview with the documentary maker.

If you are interested to join this meeting, please contact Cor Ofman:
(06 20879280 or c.ofman@diaconie.org).

Press Release
22 February 2013
GPH SNOOPS DESPERATE, RESORT TO “ROBBERIES” vs. LEFT

The recent spate of break-ins and robberies against the offices and personalities of progressive organizations reveals how desperate government security and intelligence agencies have become in collecting information they could use against the Left, particularly those identified with the national democratic movement.

“The usual methods of closely monitoring legitimate activities, planting infiltrators and recruiting assets within the organizations, electronic surveillance, eavesdropping, etc., have failed to produce the information and “evidence” they need to justify more draconian measures, including maligning and then cracking down on these organizations and personalities,” explained Rey Claro Casambre, Executive Director of the Philippine Peace Center (PPC) and a consultant to the NDFP Negotiating Panel, whose residence was broken into and ransacked last February 9, with the intruders taking two laptops, four USB memory sticks, and cash.

”They have thus resorted to these break-ins and hold-ups that are made to appear like ordinary robberies. But the pattern of the selected targets and the particular interest in laptops and memory storage devices, including old USB sticks which have little or even no commercial value, betray their real character and intent as military and police intelligence operations.” he added.

Casambre elaborated that the increasing frequency and scope of these operations indicate that these are being rushed and intensified as part of the schemes to prevent the election of progressive candidates, as well as to throw a monkey wrench on efforts to revive the stalled GPH-NDFP peace talks.

“Unfortunately for these government snoops, all they will find in the stolen laptops and memory devices are the same information and materials that are in websites, FB accounts, tweets, emails, publications and other issuances of the targeted organizations and personalities.

“We ony hope that they will study these materials in earnest so that they will discover the justness of the people’s aspirations for freedom, democracy and social justice, as well as realize the futility of their snooping, maligning and cracking down on the national democratic movement, whose goal is to carry forward these aspirations to reality,” Casambre concluded.

Ang nabahurang sasakyang pandigma ng US, ang USS Guardian, sa Tubbataha Reef

Muling inilalabas ng Bayan ang praymer na ito sa Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) sa layuning bigyang linaw ang papel ng nasabing kasunduan sa kontrobersyal na pagsadsad ng USS Guardian sa Tubbataha Reef noong Enero 17, 2013. Sa mga pahayag ng rehimeng US-Aquino, pilit nitong inaabswelto ang VFA sa pagkawasak ng di bababa sa 4,000 square meters ng pinangangalagaang bahura (reef) ng Pilipinas, na isang deklaradong World Heritage site. Wala naman daw ehersisyong militar sa Tubbataha, ani Aquino, kaya bakit sisisihin ang VFA. Simpleng paglabag lamang daw sa mga batas pangkalikasan ng bansa ang ginawa ng mga tropang Kano.

Pero hindi mangyayari ang pagkawasak ng Tubbataha Reef kung walang VFA na nagbibigay-daan sa paglalabas-masok ng mga sasakyang pandigma ng US sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa. Ang isyung ito ay di lamang isyung pangkalikasan taliwas sa sinasabi ni Aquino. Isyu ito ng soberanya at dagdag na dahilan sa mahaba nang listahan kung bakit dapat nang ibasura ang VFA. Asahang lalo pang darami at titindi ang mga pang-aabuso ng tropang Kano sa ilalim ng sinasabing “pivot” o “rebalancing” sa rehiyong Asya Pasipiko ng rehimeng Obama. Ibabaling nito ang mas malaking presensyang militar ng US sa rehiyon, kabilang ang Pilipinas. Nararamdaman na ito ngayon sa pamamagitan ng mas dumadalas na diumano’y “port call” ng mga sasakyang pandigma ng US gaya ng sumadsad na USS Guardian.

1. Ano ang VFA?

Ang RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) ay isang kasunduang pang-militar sa pagitan ng Pilipinas at ng Estados Unidos (US). Ito ang ginagamit na ligal na balangkas sa pagpasok-labas at pananatili ng mga tropang Kano sa Pilipinas. Ito ang umiral na kasunduang pangmilitar sa pagitan ng dalawang bansa patungkol sa “status of forces” matapos ibasura ng Senado ng Pilipinas ang bagong tratado para sa base-militar ng US noong 1991. Layon nitong mapanatili ang pwersang militar ng US sa bansa kahit walang bagong tratado na nagpapahintulot ng mga base-militar ng US.

Ang VFA ay binubuo ng dalawang dokumento – ang VFA 1 at ang VFA 2. Ang VFA 1 ay tungkol sa pagtrato sa mga sundalong Amerikano na nasa Pilipinas habang ang VFA 2 naman ay tungkol sa pagtrato sa mga sundalong Pilipino na nasa US. Nagkaroon ng bisa ang VFA 1 noong Mayo 27, 1999 matapos itong ratipikahan ng Senado ng Pilipinas. Ayon sa Konstitusyon, ang pagpasok at pananatili ng dayuhang tropa sa bansa ay nangangailangan ng isang tratado na pinagtibay ng Senado. Itinuturing ng ating gobyerno kung gayon na isang tratado ang VFA. Taliwas naman ang katayuan nito sa US dahil hindi naman ito niratipikahan ng Senado ng US. Sinabi lang ng US Ambassador noon sa Pilipinas na kinikilala ng US ang VFA bilang isang tratado.

Ayon sa mga gobyerno ng Pilipinas at ng US, ang VFA ay implementasyon ng RP-US Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) na pinagtibay noon pang 1951. Isinasaad ng MDT na magtutulungan ang dalawang bansa kung magkakaroon ng pag-atakeng militar mula sa ibang bansa sa teritoryo ng alinman sa US at Pilipinas. Sa pamamagitan ng MDT, binuo rin ang Mutual Defense Board (MDB) noong 1958 na pinangungunahan ng Chief of Staff ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) at ng Commander ng US Pacific Command (USPACOM). Ang MDB ang mekanismo para sa direktang koordinasyon ng US at Pilipinas kaugnay sa pandepensang kooperasyon. Ito ang namamahala sa mga pagsasanay at iba pang joint activities sa ilalim ng VFA.

Bahagi diumano ng pagpapatupad ng MDT at VFA ang isinasagawang taunang Balikatan Military Exercises sa pagitan ng tropang Amerikano at Pilipino (gayong wala namang panlabas na banta sa Pilipinas). Libu-libong sundalong Amerikano ang pumupunta sa Pilipinas bawat taon upang magdaos ng mga tinatawag na pagsasanay-militar, magsagawa ng mga diumano misyong “humanitarian” at iba pa. Tinatayang nasa 30,000 hanggang 50,000 sundalong Amerikano na ang nakapasok sa bansa sa pamamagitan ng Balikatan. Maliban sa Balikatan, mayroon pang 19 na iba’t ibang klase ng joint activities ang US at Pilipinas sa ilalim ng VFA kabilang ang mga ispesyalisadong pagsasanay para sa Marines, Navy, at Air Force at mga multinational na pagsasanay kasama ang mga karatig-bansa sa rehiyon.

Katuwang ng VFA ang iba pang kasunduang pang-militar sa pagitan ng US at Pilipinas kabilang ang 2002 Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA). Sa ilalim ng MLSA, malayang naipapasok ng US ang mga kagamitang pang-militar nito at nakakapagtayo ng mga pasilidad para diumano sa mga pagsasanay at proyekto ng Balikatan. Binuo rin ang Security Engagement Board (SEB) noong 2006 upang pangasiwaan ang diumano kooperasyong panseguridad ng US at Pilipinas sa mga itinuturing na “non-traditional security concerns” katulad ng terorismo, transnational crimes, maritime security, kalamidad at iba pa. Magkatuwang ang MDB at SEB sa pagbubuo at pagdidisenyo ng mga taunang ehersisyong militar sa ilalim ng VFA.

2. Bakit may VFA?

Ayon sa mga opisyal ng gobyerno ng US at ng Pilipinas, layunin ng VFA na pahigpitin ang relasyong pang-seguridad ng dalawang bansa. Para sa gobyerno ng Pilipinas, mahalaga ang VFA para diumano maging modernisado ang hukbong sandatahan nito. Noong panahon ng rehimeng Bush, ginamit ang “gera kontra terorismo” upang bigyang katwiran ang VFA. Sa panahon naman ng rehimeng Obama, ginagamit ang sinasabing banta mula sa China at tensyon sa Spratlys at Scarborough Shoal para gawing lehitimo ang interbensyong militar ng mga Kano.

Pero ang totoo, idinikta ng gobyerno ng US ang VFA sa gobyerno ng Pilipinas dahil kailangan nitong magkaroon ng kapalit sa ibinasurang 1947 Military Bases Agreement (MBA). Matatandaang bunga ng protesta ng mamamayan, tinanggihan ng Senado ng Pilipinas ang pagkakaroon ng bagong tratado sa base militar matapos mawalam-bisa ang MBA noong 1991. Pinalayas ang mga permanenteng base-militar ng US sa Subic, Clark at iba pang lugar ng bansa.

Mahalaga ang lokasyon ng Pilipinas sa istratehiyang pang-seguridad at pang-militar ng US sa rehiyong Asya Pasipiko. Kasangkapan ang VFA upang panatilihin at palakasin ang pwersang militar ng US sa rehiyon. Ipinupusisyon ng US ang tropang militar nito upang bantayan ang mga pang-ekonomyang interes ng US sa rehiyon tulad ng mga negosyong Amerikano, ruta ng kalakalan at interes nito sa langis at iba pang likas-yaman, at maging ang pampulitikang interes na panatilihin ang dominanteng impluwensya nito sa rehiyon at daigdig lalo sa harap ng umuusbong na China. Dahil dito, kailangan ng US ng akses para sa tropa nito sa loob ng Pilipinas. Sa halip na malakihang permanenteng base-militar, ikinukubli ngayon ng US ang permanenteng pagbabase nito sa iba’t-ibang bahagi ng bansa sa pamamagitan ng VFA. Mas matipid rin ito kumpara sa pagmamantina ng malakihang base-militar.

Sa ilalim ng VFA, maaaring pumunta kahit sa alin mang bahagi ng bansa ang mga diumanong “bisitang” tropang Kano. Ang buong Pilipinas, kung gayon, ay nagmimistulang malaking base-militar ng US. Bahagi ng pananatili ng pwersang militar ng US sa bansa ang mga itinayong permanenteng pasilidad at opisina ng mga sundalong Amerikano sa loob ng mga kampo-militar ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) na tinatawag nilang Cooperative Security Locations (CSL) hanggang sa mga tinatawag na Forward Operating Sites (FOS). Mayroong CSL sa Camp Aguinaldo, ang punong himpilan ng AFP; at FOS sa Camp Navarro sa Zamboanga City gayundin sa mga kampo-militar sa Cotabato City at Basilan.

Isa pang aspeto ng VFA ang paghimpil sa bansa ng mga sasakyang pang-gera ng US kabilang mga dambuhalang barko, mga high-tech at nuclear-powered na submarino at eroplano, kasama na ang mga remote-controlled drones na nagsasagawa ng surveillance at lumalahok sa mga opensibang militar. Kapansin-pansin ang pagdalas ng mga port calls ng mga warships ng Kano mula nang ianunsyo ng rehimeng Obama ang pag-pivot nito sa Asya Pasipiko. Ang “US pivot” ay itinutulak ng tumitinding krisis pang-ekonomya ng US na higit na pinag-iibayo ang pagkontrol at pandarambong sa rekurso ng daigdig at sa mga merkado. Sa usaping militar, pangunahing target ng US pivot ang China upang kontrolin ang pag-usbong nito bilang potensyal na karibal ng US sa rehiyon. Sa kongkreto, pakay ng US na i-rebalance ang may 60% ng kaniyang pwersang pandagat sa Asya Pasipiko at ginagamit nito ang VFA at iba pang kasunduang pang-militar sa Pilipinas at ibang bansa sa rehiyon upang maisagawa ito. Noong 2012, iniulat ng Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) na may 197 port calls ang ginawa ng US sa bansa, bukod pa sa 444 US aircraft na pinayagang lumapag sa ating teritoryo.

Ginagamit ng US ang banta ng China at ang territorial dispute sa West Philippine Sea bilang dagdag na katwiran para sa pananatili ng VFA at pwersang Kano sa bansa. Kabalintunaan naman ang sinasabi na ang US ang tutulong sa Pilipinas laban sa China. Hindi natin nakikita sa ngayon na hahantong sa armadong tunggalian ng US at China dahil sa relasyon nila sa ekonomiya at dahil nagkakaisa sila sa uspain ng pagsasamantala sa Pilipinas. May kontradiksyon sila sa aspeto naman ng pagpwersa ng US sa China na yumuko sa mga dikta ng US tulad ng ibayong pribatisasyon ng mga empresang kontralod ng estado ng China.

Hindi tayo tutulungan ng US kung sakaling magkaroon ng armadong komprontasyon sa West Philippine Sea. Ang patakaran ng US ay wala itong papanigan sa territorial dispute. Wala ring “automatic retaliation” provision ang Mutual Defense Treaty. Wala ring interest ang US na pangalagaan ang soberanya ng Pilipinas lalo’t patuloy itong nilalabag ng US sa ilalim ng VFA at MDT. Ang tanging makakapagtanggol sa soberanya ng Pilipinas ay ang mamamayang Pilipino mismo, sa kanilang sama-samang pagkilos at pagtaguyod ng isang gobyernong makamamamayan.

3. Bakit tinututulan ng mamamayan ang VFA?

Nilalabag ng VFA ang pambansang soberanya at panteritoryong integridad ng Pilipinas. Kitang kita ito sa insidente ng pagsadsad ng USS Guardian sa Tubbataha Reef. Binalewala ng opisyal ng USS Guardian ang mga babala ng mga tagapagbantay ng Tubbataha na bawal daanan ang nasabing national marine park at arogante pang sinabing sa US Embassy makipag-ugnayan ang mga lokal na awtoridad. Nang sumadsad na ito, pinigilan ding lumapit at mag-inspeksyon ang mga park rangers ng Tubbataha matapos mag-utos ng “battle position” ang kapitan ng USS Guardian.

Pinahihintulutan din ng VFA ang malayang paglabas-masok at walang taning na pananatili ng walang hanggang bilang ng mga sundalong Kano sa Pilipinas. Mula 2002, halimbawa, naka-istasyon na sa Mindanao ang may 500-600 sundalo mula sa US Army Special Operations Forces, Navy Seals, Air Force special operators at mga support personnel mula sa iba’t ibang sangay ng sandatahang lakas ng US. Kabilang sila sa tinatawag na Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines (JSOTF-P) sa ilalim ng USPACOM. Matatagpuan sa loob ng Camp Navarro, Zamboanga City ang main headquarters ng JSOTF-P habang mayroon din itong regional task forces – ang Task Force Archipelago (nakabase sa Camp Navarro); Task Force Mindanao (Camp Siongco, Maguindanao); at Task Force Sulu (Camp Bautista, Jolo island, Sulu). Sinasabing mayroon din silang himpilan sa Camp Ranao sa Marawi City.

Ang pananatili ng dayuhang tropa at mga gamit militar sa isang bansa ay palantandaan na ito ay hindi tunay na malaya. (Ito ay bukod pa sa ipinagbabawal ng Konstitusyon ng Pilipinas ang dayuhang base-militar sa loob ng bansa kung wala namang tratado.) Tanda ito ng patuloy na dominasyon at panghihimasok ng US sa mga panloob na usapin ng isang tinaguriang malayang bansa. Masahol pa sa dating MBA ang VFA dahil sa wala itong taning; maibabasura lamang ito kung ipapawalambisa ng isa sa magkabilang panig.

Hindi rin malinaw ang maaaring gawing aktibidad ng mga tropang Kano sa ilalim ng VFA. Nagresulta ito sa maraming kaso ng tuwirang paglahok ng mga sundalong Kano sa aktwal na mga “combat operations” ng AFP, bagay na labag sa Konstitusyon at pinanindigan ng Korte Suprema sa kasong Bayan et al vs Zamora (1999). Lumalahok ang mga tropang Amerikano sa mga combat patrol, armadong convoy, hanggang sa pagsasagawa ng paniniktik o surveillance.

Dagdag pa, walang paraan ang gobyerno ng Pilipinas upang malaman kung sinu-sino ang mga pumapasok na tropang Kano sa bansa at kung gaano sila katagal mananatili dahil hindi sila obligadong kumuha ng visa. Inalis din ng kasunduan ang kapangyarihan ng Kongreso na magpataw ng buwis at hindi sinisingil ng mga kinauukulan ng customs duty ang mga kagamitan ng pwersang Kano na ipinapasok sa bansa, kabilang ang kanilang supplies gaya ng pagkain. Ipinagbabawal pa nga ng VFA ang mandatoryong quarantine inspection ng ipinapasok nilang pagkain at nasa desisyon ng upisyal-militar ng Kano kung papayagan nito ang mga awtoridad na gumawa ng pagsisiyasat. Wala ring ibinabayad ang mga sasakyang pandigma ng US sa paggamit nila ng mga pasilidad ng bansa gaya ng seaports at airports.

Lubhang pumapabor sa mga Amerikano ang VFA. Sa ilalim ng VFA 1, halimbawa, kapag may nilabag na batas ng Pilipinas ang isang sundalong Kano, siya ay maaaring manatili sa “custody” o pangangalaga ng US habang nililitis ang kanyang kaso. Kahit sinasabing nasa ilalim na ng “jurisdiction” o awtoridad ng Pilipinas ang mga tropang Kano, hindi ito nangangahulugan ng “custody” sa mga sundalong lumalabag sa mga batas ng bansa. Kabaligtaran ito sa sinasabi naman ng VFA 2 na awtomatikong ilalagay sa “custody” ng US ang isang sundalong Pilipino na lumabag sa batas ng US. Ang pagturing ng US sa VFA bilang isang simpleng kasunduang pang-ehekutibo habang itinuturing naman itong tratado ng Pilipinas ay isa pang tanda ng hindi pagiging patas ng VFA.

4. Ano ang naging epekto ng VFA sa karaniwang Pilipino?

Katulad ng panahon na may malalaking base-militar ang US sa Subic at Clark, at marami pang mas maliliit na instalasyon sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng kapuluan, kaliwa’t kanang pang-aabuso at paglabag sa karapatang pantao ang dinaranas ng karaniwang mamamayan sa kamay ng mga sundalong Kano sa ilalim ng VFA.

Ang pagsadsad ng USS Guardian sa Tubbataha Reef, halimbawa, ay hindi lamang sumira sa pinuprutektahang bahura. Winasak din nito ang kabuhayan ng mga mangingisda dahil sa pagkasira ng tirahan at breeding ground ng maraming isda at iba’t ibang lamang-dagat. Iniulat din ng Pambansang Lakas ng Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya) na naapektuhan ng pagsadsad ng USS Guardian ang lawak ng kanilang napapangisdaan dahil sa humigpit na seguridad sa lugar at ginagawang salvage operation. Ganito rin ang kaso ng pagtatambak ng toxic wastes sa dagat ng Subic noong Oktubre 15, 2012 ng MTT Glenn Guardian, isang tanker na pinatatakbo ng Glenn Defense Marine Philippines Inc. na isa namang private contractor ng US Navy. Nadiskubre ring hindi na-proses ng mga sasakyang pandigma ng US ang kanilang dumi bago ito ibigay sa mga contractor para i-dispose. Sa kasamaang palad, Glenn Defense lamang ang pinanagot sa pangyayari habang abswelto ang US Navy at VFA.

Sa ibang kaso, di lamang kabuhayan kundi mismong buhay ng mangingisda ang nalalagay sa peligro dahil sa walang-tigil na pagsuyod ng mga sasakyang pandigma ng US sa mga katubigan ng bansa. Noong Abril 18, 2012, nasagasaan ng humahagibis na sasakyang pandagat ng mga myembro ng JSOTF-P ang mangingisdang si Ahbam Juhurin at anak na pauwi na sana sa kanilang bahay sa Hadji Muhtamad sa Basilan. May idinaraos noong Balikatan war exercises sa Western Mindanao nang maganap ang insidente. Namatay si Juhurin at nasugatan naman ang kanyang anak. Hindi sinampahan ng mga kasong kriminal ang mga sundalong Kano habang pumayag naman ang pamilya ng mga biktima na tanggapin ang bayad-pinsala mula sa militar ng US.

Ang mga kasong ito na kinasasangkutan ng mga tropang Kano ay ilan lang sa mga insidenteng kamakailan lamang naganap. Napakarami na ng mga pang-aabuso at paglabag sa karapatang pantao ang kinasangkutan ng mga sundalong Kano na nasa bansa dahil sa VFA. Isa na rito ang panggagahasa ni Lance Corporal Daniel Smith sa Pilipinang nagtago sa ngalang “Nicole” noong 2005. Nakipagsabwatan ang administrasyong Arroyo sa gobyernong US upang pagtakpan ang mga pang-aabuso sa karapatang pantao at iba pang krimen katulad ng ginawa nila kay “Nicole”. Dahil sa VFA, hindi na nailagay sa “custody” ng Pilipinas si Smith, kahit pa nga nahatulan na itong may sala sa krimen ng panggagahasa. Nagsabwatan ang dalawang gobyerno noon nang itakas mula Makati City Jail si Smith at itago sa Embahada ng US kunsaan ito nanatili. Kahit pa nagdesisyon na ang Korte Suprema na iligal ang kaayusang ito, samu’t saring maniobra pa rin ang ginawa ng administrasyong Arroyo at US manatili lamang si Smith sa kustodiya ng US. Paglaon, pinwersa si “Nicole” na maglabas ng panibagong affidavit – na ginawa ng mga abogado ng tropang Kano – na tila nagbibigay duda sa kanyang naunang testimonya na ginahasa siya ni Smith.

Noong Pebrero 2, 2010, natagpuang patay sa headquarters ng JSOTF-P sa loob ng Camp Ranao ang interpreter na si Gregan Cardeño matapos diumanong magpatiwakal. Iisang araw pa lamang si Cardeño sa kampo matapos i-recruit ng yunit ng US Special Forces, ang Liaison Coordination Elements (LCE). Pagkalipas ng dalawang buwan, pinatay naman ng mga di-nakilalang salarin si Captain Javier Ignacio ng Philippine Army, kaibigan ng pamilyang Cardeño at tumutulong sa kanila na magkamit ng hustisya. Bago ang sinasabing pagpapatiwakal, tumawag si Cardeño sa kanyang kapatid at sinabing “mahirap at taliwas sa kanyang inaasahan” ang ipinapagawa ng mga sundalong Kano.

Patung-patong na ang kaso ng mga sundalong Kano. Nasangkot din sila sa pambubugbog kay Marcelo Batesil sa Cebu City; sa pamamaril kay Buyong-Buyong Isnijal sa Basilan; sa pagmasaker sa tatlong sibilyang Moro sa Barangay Sipangkot, Umapoy Island, Tawi-Tawi; at sa pamamaslang kay Arsid Baharon sa Barangay San Roque, Zamboanga City. Ipinasara rin ng mga sundalong Kano ang Panamao District Hospital sa Panamao, Sulu noong Nobyembre 30, 2007 at binantaan pa ang mga empleyado ng ospital na babarilin sila kung hindi susunod sa utos ng dayuhang tropa. Meron ding kaso na nadadamay ang mga sibilyan sa mga live-fire exercises ng mga tropang Kano, tulad ng isang babaeng nasabugan ng M-203 grenade habang sya ay naglalaba sa ilog. Noong 2008, namataang kasama ang mga tropang Kano sa isang yunit ng AFP na nagsagawa ng pagmasaker sa pitong sibilyan sa Maimbung, Sulu.

5. Ano ang ating dapat gawin?

Kailangang tuluy-tuloy na labanan ng mamamayan ang VFA at ang mga aktibidad na binibigyang matwid sa ilalim nito, tulad ng Balikatan “joint military training exercises”. Walang ibang alternatibo kundi ang pagbabasura sa di-pantay at mapaniil na VFA, kasabay ng pagwawakas ng iba pang mga kasunduang militar sa pagitan ng Pilipinas at US tulad ng MDT at MLSA at mga mekanismo nito gaya ng MDB at SEB. Ang mga kasunduang ito ay tanda ng katayuan ng Pilipinas bilang mala-kolonya ng imperyalismong US. Ang mga kasunduang ito ay nagpapanatili at nagpapalakas sa dominasyon at panghihimasok militar ng US sa Pilipinas.

Ang panawagan para ibasura ang VFA ay nakadirekta mismo sa Pangulo ng Pilipinas. Siya sa ngayon ang tanging may kapangyarihan para tuluyang ibasura ang kasunduang ito. Noong panahon ng kampanya, ipinangako ni Aquino na rerebyuhin ang VFA pero wala nang narinig ang publiko sa inabot ng rebyu. Ang malinaw ay tulad ng kaniyang sinundang mga administrasyon, patuloy ang pagpapakatuta ng gobyernong Aquino sa imperyalismong US. Muli itong tumatampok sa kaso ng Tubbataha kung saan pinakikitid ng pamahalaan ang usapin sa pagbabayad-pinsala ng mga tropang Kano habang pilit inilalayo ang usapin sa VFA at pananagutang kriminal ng mga sundalong Kano.

Sa katunaan , kahit sa usapin ng bayad-pinsala, wala ding katiyakan ang gobyerno ng Pilipinas na ang magiging kabayaran ay makatarungan. Sa ilalim ng VFA, ang gobyerno ng US ang magpapasya kung ano ang makatwiran at makatarugnang bayad-pinsala.

Kailangang ilantad at tutulan ng mamamayan ang nagaganap na mga diumano pagsasanay militar at maging ang mga diumano misyong “humanitarian” sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa sa ilalim ng Balikatan. Ang walang patid na mga port calls ng mga sasakyang pandagat at paglipad sa himpapawid ng bansa ng mga eroplanong pandigma kasama na ang mga drones ng Kano ay dapat salubungin ng mariing pagtutol at malalakas na protesta. Ang imperyalismong US pa rin ang pangunahing umaatake sa soberanya ng Pilipinas at pangunahing kaaway ng mamamayang Pilipino.

Ibasura ang VFA, MDT at MLSA!

Ipaglaban ang tunay na kalayaan!

Ibagsak ang imperalismong US!

Inihanda ng
Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan)
Pebrero 2013

10 February 2013

Kabataan Partylist second nominee Bai Ali Indayla has urged the public to treat with scrutiny the planned visit of President Benigno Aquino III to the main camp of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) this Monday to launch Sajahatra Bangsamoro, a set of government assistance to identified MILF communities.

“The visit is sure to get the attention of Filipinos especially those who follow the peace process. But we call on the public not to get carried away easily,” Indayla said.

Indayla said Ghadzali Jaafar, MILF vice chairman for political affairs, is right in calling the event “merely symbolic”.

“The Moro people deserve more than just another experiment designed to momentarily offset the social and economic hardship of select beneficiaries,” she said.

President Aquino, according to her, engages in one publicity stunt after another to get the people’s attention away from what the Moro people and most ordinary Filipinos need.

“Sajahatra provides no assurance that beneficiaries will get access to the services they need especially on health and education,” she said.

“The program promises to aid beneficiaries to a number of health and social services yet this government is doggedly pursuing the privatization of government hospitals that mostly cater to impoverished communities including those of the target beneficiaries,” she said.

She added that drastic budget cuts made on state colleges and universities across the country makes it difficult, if not impossible, for ordinary Moros and Filipinos to get an education.

The former human rights group spokesperson said that Aquino styles himself as a man of peace whilst giving his approval to the restriction and endangering of the lives of countless civilians in different militarized communities in Mindanao mostly in Moro areas.

Indayla said Aquino must show his commitment and sincerity to the Bangsamoro cause by effecting clear-cut policies that favor the great majority of Filipinos, not that of large businesses and foreign corporations. ###

Reference:
Bai Ali Indayla
09465015477
Facebook: Bai Ali Indayla

Image source here.

Manila, Philippines – Walang katotohanan na tila langit ang kalagayan na ng Pilipinas dahil sa magandang takbo ng ekonomiya.Binigyang-diin ni Lingayen-Dagupan Archbishop Emeritus Oscar Cruz na panaginip lamang ang sinasabing paglago ng gross domestic product at ekonomiya ng Pilipinas.Ayon kay Archbishop Cruz, kitang-kita ang laganap at nararanasang kahirapan ng bansa na dulot ng korupsyon partikular sa mga institusyong dapat nagtatanggol at nangangalaga sa kapakanan ng mamamayan.

Ayon kay Archbishop Cruz, nakalulungkot dahil kapag ibang bansa ang nagbibigay ng pag-aaral sa kalagayan ng Pilipinas ay tila nakaka-awa ang buhay ng mga Filipino, ngunit para sa gobyerno, maganda ang hinaharap ng bansa.

“Nakakalungkot pong sabihin na bagaman yung ating Pangulo at kanyang mga kaalyado, panay sinasabi halos langit na itong Pilipinas, kapag po talaga mga ibang bayan ang nagbibigay ng pagpapasya tungkol sa kalagayan natin, talaga pong nakakaawa tayo, at hindi naman po malalim na kaisipang yun, iba po yung kinukuwento ng mga taga-Malakanyang at iba naman po talaga ang nangyayari sa ating kapaligiran”.paglilinaw ni Archbishop Cruz sa panayam ng Radio Veritas.

Inihalimbawa ng Arsobispo ang paglawak ng korupsyon lalo na sa mga panahon ng eleksyon sa bansa dahil sa pagkapit sa patalim para lamang sa kakaunting ginhawa sa buhay.

Dahil dito iginiit ni Archbishop Cruz na ang kahirapan at kalayaan ay hindi kailangan man maaaring ipagsama.

“Minsan nasabi ko na, kahirapan at kalayaan ay hindi maaaring magsama, ibig ko sabihin, kung akoy isang taong may pamilya, meron ako dalawa, tatlo, apat na anak, konti ang aking kinikita, huwag nyo sabihin sa akin na hindi ko tatanggapin yung ibinibigay sa akin ng kandidato para iboto sya, hindi po kasi ako martir, so papano po magiging malaya ang isang tao kung talagang salat sila? Pangbihisan kulang, tirahan ay hindi alam, sa tingin ko po poverty and freedom, it’s not fairing, it can never be fairing. Ganon din po sovereignty and poverty cannot be together,” giit pa ni Archbishop Cruz.(Nilda Obina-Borja)

News release
January 18, 2013

Multisectoral group Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) said that the incident at the Tubbataha Reefs involving yet another US warship raises more questions against the unhampered entry and permanent presence of American forces in the country under the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).

Bayan made the statement after the USS Guardian, a 68-meter minesweeper of the US Navy, ran aground the Tubbataha Reefs, a natural park and a World Heritage Site in the Sulu Sea.

“The violations being committed by American warships in the country through the VFA are already disturbing and our officials should have the political will to decisively make them accountable. Just a couple of months ago, they (US Navy) were involved in the dumping of toxic wastes in Subic Bay. If the US troops and the VFA were left off the hook in that incident by local authorities and all the blame were pinned on the private contractor Glenn Defense Marine, the Tubbataha case points directly to the US Navy. They have no more excuses,” said Renato Reyes, Bayan’s secretary-general.

Bayan questioned what was the USS Guardian doing in the Tubbataha area and the true nature of its supposed visit. “What was its mission in Palawan? Is the US operating a base there? What was the approved joint activity that allowed the US to move around our waters? More importantly, what is the Philippine government going to do regarding this incident?” Reyes asked. The Bayan leader added that Filipino and American officials are making it appear that the US warships are merely conducting routine port calls although apparently they’re engaged in other activities.

The US Navy must also be held liable for the damage to the coral reefs brought about by its unauthorized entry, Bayan added. “This is already strike 2 for US troops. This kind of activity by US forces, being able to roam freely in our waters without respect for domestic laws, should end. The disrespect by the US towards the Tubbataha authorities should be looked into as well,” said Reyes.

The group stressed that the abuses being committed by US forces in the country will continue because of the VFA and the environment of impunity it created for the supposedly visiting American troops. “The violations against our sovereignty, the crimes against our people and the destruction of our natural resources by US forces will go on as long as the national government ignores persistent calls to abrogate the VFA. The abolition of this grossly one-sided, oppressive and destructive agreement is long overdue,” said Reyes. ###

Related News:
[1] Inquirer, US Navy ship stuck in Tubbataha: Why there?
[2] ABS-CBN, US Navy ship stuck in Tubbataha Reef
[3] Remate, Fishers call US ship ran aground incident as massacre of biodiversity
[4] Kabataan, US minesweeper crash in Tubbataha appals youth solon
[5] Kalikasan, Kalikasan slams US troops for damaging Tubbataha Reef
[6] Bulatlat, US Navy bars park rangers from inspecting grounded ship at Tubbataha Reef
[7] PRWC, US incursion in Tubbataha Reefs and damage to wildlife underscore demand to abrogate VFA–CPP